The Irish soviets (Irish: Sóivéidí na hÉireann) were a series of self-declared soviets that formed in Ireland during the revolutionary period of the Irish War of Independence and the Irish Civil War (1919 to 1923), mainly in the province of Munster. “Soviet” in this context refers to a council of workers who control their place of work.

The labour movement in Ireland during the Irish War of Independence had been deeply affected by the events of the Dublin Lockout of 1913 as well as Bolshevik Revolution in Russia in 1917. It was also being influenced by the concurrent Revolutions of 1917–1923, which saw several left-wing led revolutions rise up in Europe, also inspired by the revolution in Russia. Soviets were emerging across Europe in places such as Bavaria, Bremen, Ukraine and Hungary. This trend caught on in Ireland as well, itself in the midst of a revolution as the Irish Republican Army sought to end British rule over Ireland

The first soviet - Monaghan Asylum

Preceding the more famous Limerick Soviet by two months, the first Irish soviet was declared on 29 January 1919. Led by Donegal union organiser and IRA Commander Peadar O’Donnell, the soviet was declared as part of a strike for better working conditions for the staff of the Monaghan Lunatic Asylum (as it was then known). Amongst the worker’s complaints were that they were being forced to work 93 hours a week and were not allowed to leave the premises between shifts. Upon declaration of the soviet, a red flag was flown over the building. In response armed police were sent to remove the workers, however, they had barricaded themselves inside. The operators of the Asylum were forced to negotiate with the workers. Workers won a 56-hour week and a pay rise for both male and female staff. A further concession was that married staff were to be allowed go home after their shifts ended. It was eventually disestablished on 4 February of the same year.

Limerick Soviet

One of the first and most important soviets to be declared in Ireland at this time was the soviet declared in Limerick City from 14 to 27 April 1919.[6] Following IRA activity inside the city as well as the death of IRA member Robert Byrne, the Royal Irish Constabulary sought to lock down the city to prevent further encroachment by the revolutionaries. However, their implementation of the lockdown was overzealous and heavyhanded and resulted in a backlash from the inhabitants of the city. A strike committee was created by Trade Unionists inside Limerick and they declared a general strike against “British Military Occupation”. For two weeks all British troops were boycotted and the special strike committee organised the printing of their own money, control over food prices and the publishing of newspapers.

Knocklong Soviet

The soviet in Limerick City was the most significant soviet to be declared owing to the fact it had the largest number of participants, but many more followed in its wake. The following month on 15 May 1920, workers in County Limerick began seizing creameries belonging to the Cleeve Family Business, the primary one being located near the village of Knocklong. The Cleeves were an Anglo-Canadian Unionist family committed to the British Empire, and a major business operator, employing over 3,000 workers across Ireland in dairy-related industries in addition to about 5,000 farmers. During World War I they heavily promoted recruitment efforts by the British Army in Limerick. It was in their personal interest to do so, as the Cleeves were also profiting from the war as they were also supplying food to the British army, netting a profit around £1,000,000 from this contract by end of 1918. The Cleeves’ support for the British would have found them little support amidst the revolution in Ireland, but further compounding resentment against them was the fact that the Cleeves were considered to be one of the lowest paying employers in Ireland.

Following a trade dispute with the Cleeves, workers belonging to the Irish Transport and General Workers Union (ITGWU) seized production facilities and began running them independently of the Cleeves. A red flag was flown over the main building and a banner reading “KNOCKLONG SOVIET CREAMERY: WE MAKE BUTTER NOT PROFITS” was displayed. Work continued as per usual at the creameries but the Cleeves were forced to negotiate with the workers in order to regain control of the facilities.

The success of the Knocklong Soviet would result in both further strikes against Cleeves’ owned premises but also retaliation from the Cleeves. At first, the Cleeves attempted to lay off workers at Knocklong under the auspices that a national general strike by ITGWU against handling British munitions had resulted in “a lack of work”. However, this ploy was defeated by the formation of a strike committee. The Cleeves quickly changed tack; On the 24th of August, they insured the creamery against the outbreak of a fire. Coincidentally on the 26th of August, a unit of Black and Tans arrived in Knocklong and burnt down the creamery

Waterford Soviet

One of the shorter-lived but nonetheless influential soviets arose in April 1920 in Waterford City. The soviet existed during a national general strike against the detention of Republicans on hunger-strike. Workers enforced the general strike as well as a permit system. After a number of days, word came to Waterford that the general strike had been a success and the British government had caved in to the demand. Thousands flocked to the City Hall where, before Amhrán na bhFiann was sung to close out the event, Union leaders sang the verses of The Red Flag while a crowd less familiar with the song piped in on the choruses.

Bruree Soviet

On 26 August 1921, the bakery and mills in Bruree, County Limerick (owned by the Cleeve Family) were occupied by almost all of its employees save the manager and a clerk. The workers raised a red flag, raised a banner reading “Bruree Soviet Workers Mill” and proclaimed they were now in control of the mill and would be selling its food at a lower price, forgoing the “profiteering” formerly being practised there. Forcing the owners to the negotiation table at Liberty Hall in Dublin, Union officials claimed the soviet was able to drop prices, double sales and increase wages. Sinn Féin’s Minister for Labour Countess Markievicz mediated the negotiations and it is alleged she threatened to send in IRA troops to the Bruree Soviet if they did not accept the outcome of the arbitration

Cork Harbour Soviet

In 1920 a commission in Cork City established by Lord Mayor Tomás Mac Curtain had been tasked with determining what the living wage of workers in Cork City should be. By late September 1920 it was reporting that this wage should be 70 shillings a week, an amount rather more than most workers in the city received at this time. The commission repeated their recommendation again in February 1921. It was at this point that the local ITGWU branch asked the Cork Harbour Board to make 70 shillings the wage for workers. The Cork Harbour Board resisted for months and by June 1921 had firmly rejected the proposal. The proposal was rejected a final time in September 1921. In response, workers seized control of the Cork Custom House, a red flag was flown and a soviet declared on 7 September. News of the Cork Harbour Soviet was covered in media as far away as the New York Times. Locally, the Unionist aligned paper The Irish Times decried the Cork Harbour Soviet as an outbreak of “Irish Bolshevism” and fearfully pondered of the possibility of a civil war between Nationalists and Socialists breaking out if Ireland achieved independence from Britain.

Fall of the soviets

As the revolutionary period in Ireland drew to a close, so too did the age of the soviets. The protracted conflict in Ireland was draining the economy and the ability of employers to meet wage demands and their ability to quickly end strikes by simply giving in to the workers’ demands. At the end of 1921 the Cleeves business empire declared that it was £100,000 in debt, and claimed to have taken roughly £275,000 in losses for the year.

On 12 May 1922 The Cleeves declared a lockout, put 3,000 of its employees out of work. In response the soviets seized production centres in Bruff, Athlacca, Bruree, Tankardstown, Dromin and Ballingaddy near Kilmallock all in County Limerick, and centres in Tipperary Town, Galtymore, Bansha, Clonmel and Carrick-on-Suir in County Tipperary and finally Mallow in County Cork.

The Irish Times denounced the seizures and declared that the workers had “neither allegiance to the Irish Free State nor the Irish Republic, but only to Soviet Russia”. Trouble for the soviets was also brewing on another front: the farmers who supplied the creameries with milk were beginning to sour on their comrades. The Irish Farmers Union led a campaign to deny the soviets a supply of milk, and resolved to “forbid our members to supply under the Red Flag, which is the flag of Anarchy and revolution”

The Civil War that erupted between those for and against the Anglo-Irish Treaty had seen Munster become a hotbed and base for the Anti-Treaty IRA forces, and thus a battleground to be fought over. The soviets came into conflict with both Anti-Treaty and the Free State National Army. The Tipperary Soviet was involved in a shoot out with the anti-treaty side. The gasworks in Tipperary was destroyed by the retreating anti-treaty forces. Similarly the newly formed National Army also took to dismantling the soviets. Extreme pressure was being placed on the fledgeling Irish Free State by both the British Government and the wider world to maintain a conservative order in Ireland. The soviets were deemed agents of anarchy by both the conservative press and conservative politicians, and thus another element the National Army had to remove. Without a wider political structure or organisation to unify them, nor a fighting force to defend themselves, the soviets were forced to fold and bow out. When Free State forces entered any town that had a soviet, they would arrest the leaders and take down any symbols signalling defiance such as Red Flags.

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  • Frank [he/him, he/him]@hexbear.net
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    3 months ago

    I’m not watching Fallout with the rest of the household because, while it’s okay TV, I have become such a miserable grognard and I’m so sick of Beth’s bullshit that I just can’t anymore. I’m trying to remember if there’s anything, beyond moment to moment gameplay, that I liked about 3 and 4 and I really can’t think of anything. Most of the followers were forgettable. Nick and Piper were cool, but also very much Beth’s “We don’t understand fallout and didn’t really even try to create a consistent world” thing. Most of their quests were just silly bullshit that didn’t tie in to any attempt to create a living world or tell a story. I really can’t remember much about the stories and quests in them, and the ones I do remember are just so goofy, like the robots on the flying ship. Was it fun? I guess. Did it add anything to the Fallout world or story? No, absolutely not. Point Pleasant at least acknowledged the New Plague.

    This ties back to why I struggle to find any fiction I want to read anymore. After so many hundreds of novels the plots are stale and so many stories just unselfconsciously re-tread contemporary misery.

    • GalaxyBrain [they/them]@hexbear.net
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      3 months ago

      Yeah, me too on all counts. Also Fallout with the interactivity removed is a pastiche of borderline plagiarism and copywrite infringement. What made the mish mash of familiar tropes of which the origin is overtly clear if you are even a casual Sci fi fan is cause you’re operating inside it and have a effect on it as well as the originality in how these cliches and tropes webbed together into something new which Bethesda can’t do. So without it being a game and not having people who make these silly world coherent around its just elements lulled more or less directly from 50s-80a Sci fi

    • Dolores [love/loves]@hexbear.net
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      3 months ago

      while i hate that Bethesda’s direction had implications beyond simply aesthetically drawing from their games, i think they brought it together in one of the least offensive ways they could have. still have a laundry list of gripes, but it turned out a lot better than i expected tbh

    • Moss [they/them]@hexbear.net
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      3 months ago

      Bethesda has this weird idea of the wasteland where they want it to be like Fallout 1, where it’s dominated by roaming bands of raiders and independent towns, instead of 2 and New Vegas, where nations have emerged and politics is actually getting real again. But I guess they don’t want to set anything before 2 for some reason, so all their games are set 200 years after apocalypse and people are still finding pre-war food and haven’t organised into nations or even tribes. Like in fallout 4 there is no dominant faction in the Commonwealth, and it’s not because there are so many factions constantly vying for power, it’s because there are no factions before the player shows up.

      Far Harbour is a weird exception, and it’s easily the best part of fallout 4. The people of Far Harbour and the Children of Atom both have their own unique cultures and the fog gives the island a creepy and oppressive feeling that the rest of the Commonwealth lacks. It’s also the only section with skill checks and divergent paths based on your decisions.

    • Are_Euclidding_Me [e/em/eir]@hexbear.net
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      3 months ago

      This ties back to why I struggle to find any fiction I want to read anymore. After so many hundreds of novels the plots are stale and so many stories just unselfconsciously re-tread contemporary misery.

      This is a problem I have too. I can predict most plot twists usually fairly accurately, and I’m extremely sick of most (recent) views of dystopic futures. They’re just stale because I’ve read too many. My antidote has been, oddly enough, older works. Ray Bradbury is surprisingly good (much of the time) and even when I predict a twist, the characters are so well written I don’t really mind. I also have been meaning to read more Philip K Dick. I read Ubik recently and absolutely loved it. It was weird and unsettling and uncomfortable. It’s set in a future dystopia, but because of when it was written, it’s not the kind of future dystopia I’m so incredibly sick of. The literal nickel-and-diming by the protagonist’s appliances in his apartment cracked me up and felt so different from the kinds of over-monetization you get in so much fiction about future dystopias. I also still like Asimov. His stuff is too hopeful to be realistic, you can really tell he was writing at a time when the idea of sentient robots was new and people had hope that such things would be helpful for humanity rather than harmful. And his background misogyny is, uh, a bit unpleasant, shall we say. And yet, I dunno, there’s something really compelling about many of Asimov’s works, even as they feel a little infantile and also reactionary in certain ways.

      • Frank [he/him, he/him]@hexbear.net
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        3 months ago

        `Ray was a lot more positive and a lot less miserable than a lot of the stuff.

        I think you did nail some of my issue; a lot of the ideas scifi, when people were asking novel questions, was happening 50 or 70 years ago. Sometimes it feels like since maybe 1999 there haven’t been any new ideas that weren’t “Tech bros invent Torment Nexus”. Now we’re buried in answers; We built tricorders and they turned out to be lotus-eater-machines that are used to spy on us while stealing our attention. Robots didn’t liberate anyone and don’t ask moral questions, they jus do what their techbro masters tell them to. VR is here but it’s still too expensive and hasn’t changed anything except for the VR Chat furries. Space has become a brave new frontier for corporate profiteering and exploitation.

        All the dreams of the positivist science fiction writers of the late 20th century have turned in to nightmares. And what’s left? Fashy military sci fi? yet another book where the AI turns out to be evil? The Three Body Problem ffs? Sci Fi is about analyzing contemporary problems by asking questions about possible futures. The most hopeful possible future is that after millenia of suffering we come out the other side of Global Warming with some kind of intact biosphere.